9.27.2010

"I like talking about people who don’t have any power..."

... Stephen Colbert, breaking character.










Migrant workers' truck, 1940
Photographer: Jack Delano
Library of Congress, FSA/OWI Archive

Full Colbert quote:
I like talking about people who don't have any power, and it seems like one of the least powerful people in the United States are migrant workers who come in and do our work, but don’t have any rights as a result. And yet, we still ask them to come here, and at the same time, ask them to leave. And that's an an interesting contradiction to me, and um... You know, "whatsoever you did for the least of my brothers," and these seemed like the least of my brothers, right now. A lot of people are "least brothers" right now, with the economy so hard, and I don't want to take anyone's hardship away from them or diminish it or anything like that. But migrant workers suffer, and have no rights.
Part of the Q & A following Colbert's testimony before Congress; taken from here.

The testimony itself had some digressions into Colbertian schtick. But his remarks on the actual issue were a well-deserved poke at Congress.

A performance panned by a media appalled at talk of those without power. And most of all, appalled by Colbert's speaking to Congress in that tone.

Just as they've been appalled in the past, when Colbert spoke truth to the even more powerful...

9.19.2010

Freak Show

Rutland Fair, Vermont. 1941
Photographer: Jack Delano
Library of Congress, FSA/OWI Archive
He tried before, and it worked: national attention!

Earlier, the would-be cult leader was thrown out of Germany.

Until then, he found quite a few followers in Cologne: 800 to 1000 joined his church. Der Spiegel quotes a Protestant official who worked on the case:
Former church members are still undergoing therapy as a result of "spiritual abuse," Schäfer said. According to Schäfer, Jones urged church members to beat their children with a rod and also taught "a distinctive demonology" and conducted brainwashing.

"Terry Jones appears to have a delusional personality..."
He's down to about 50 followers, yet commands weeks of world attention.

Everybody is talking about him.

Including some very important people.

Very important people also give his phone a jingle.

More of his past comes to light: high school classmates!

Now he is just as famous as his old classmate! And, even after he's canceled his media event, Muslims continue to be more provoked by him than by anything the fat drug addict has said.

Success, at last!

... Oops!

Thank you, 24-hour news-cycle pursuit of "controversy," for giving him credibility as a "religious leader" in the first place!

Though he finally drew enough attention to himself to anger even Republicans; maybe there's some hope this scam will catch up with him...

9.11.2010

September Read: Consuming Security

Chicago : Illinois WPA Art Project
Artist: V. Donaghue
Library of Congress
Neither Dead nor Red: Civil Defense and American Political Development During the Early Cold War
Andrew D. Grossman, 2001

For nine very long years—ever since Bush hit his Trifecta on September 11, 2001—an annoying little detail has lurked behind our Homelandification process.

The "duck and cover" civil defense campaigns of the Cold War appear so laughable now—yet how hard was it to get so much of the public to fall for an indeterminate War on Terra?

Yes, there was scoffing at color codes and the idea of biological weapon-proofing the house with duct tape. But year after year, there's that hunk of the population still willing to say, "I don't mind taking off my shoes/having my phone conversations listened to/my computer monitored/my [fill in the blank] – as long as it keeps me safe..."

Given the sudden post-2001 state of indeterminate "war," there is much that is familiar in Andrew Grossman's study of how the early Cold War national security state and its civil defense structure evolved.

Grossman points to the the effects on executive power and jurisprudence, which would change private life:
• An indeterminate war led to increased presidential power, and laws made in an emergency planning atmosphere centralized power in the executive branch.

• Laws on "national security" conflated internal and external policy, and viewed the threat as coming not only from the Soviet Union but also from ideas. A goal of idea "containment" led the government to disregard differences between external and domestic security policy in handling perceived internal threats. Legislation was created around discretionary powers that aided growth of a national security bureaucracy.
Post-war Truman administration policy was to contain the Soviet Union through nuclear deterrence and defense alliances in Europe, strategies that had to be sold through "domestic education"—which would then pave the way for social control.

Creating public acceptance of a prospective war fought with atomic weapons was part of this effort, and it would have to counteract the public's reasonable fear of the bomb. After the bombings in Japan and US tests in the South Pacific later in the 1940s, the public had been exposed to realistic reporting about the effects of radiation on the human body. Important scientists had also engaged in public activism against further development and future use of nuclear weapons.

After some earlier bureaucratic incarnations, the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) created in 1950 became the agency responsible for disaster planning and for promoting those plans to the public—
The FCDA predicated its national policy planning on a general theory of emotion management or "crisis mastery." ... the American public had to be prepared to fight and win a war... As sociologist Guy Oakes notes: "If the attempt to preserve peace by threatening nuclear war produced the very consequences it was intended to divert, the American people would be required to pay the price ultimately exacted by the strategy. If the price of freedom proved to be nuclear war, would Americans be willing to pay?" It was the FCDA's mission under Truman to make sure the answer to this question was yes.
The agency functioned as a mediating institution, writes Grossman. It linked the government with major universities plus new think tanks and foundations. It also connected the Executive branch with the major media of print, broadcast, and film outlets, serving in this way as an extension of the wartime management of information. Under the pretense of independence from the government, material would be produced by the Ad Council, Hollywood, and broadcast outlets.
In sum,
The FCDA was part of a new postwar institutional and administrative architecture for long-term Cold War mobilization that was based on a public policy of national civic education regarding all facets of the Cold War... the Truman administration's policy of Cold War national security civic education is an example of how a liberal democratic state can expand its power into all spheres of both public and private life and use that power to garner the necessary domestic support for its larger grand strategy.
Through the FCDA "the state literally entered the home with its preparedness programs." While maintaining centralized control, the FCDA used local agents to present programs in primary and secondary schools; through business connections it established workplace education; it recruited citizens for local warden programs.

With passage of the National Security Act of 1947, institutions were created for continuous civilian, economic, and military mobilization. The public was to be mobilized through state institutions "applying a sophisticated version of 'communication science' developed during World War II..."

The public became "the consumer of the home front mobilization process." Not coincidentally, the target was the growing middle-class that was relocating to suburbs. These were the consumers who were driving the post-war economy, and they were the focus of magazines and broadcast media during the Fifties and early Sixties (as Thomas Hine writes about so well in Populuxe).

In one bit of marketing to these consumers—
The FCDA's Alert America campaign in 1952 was an important first step in selling an illusion of protection for the suburban middle classes. Alert America caravans announced their arrival in various towns across the country as the "show that could save your life." The surrealistic "doomsday carnival" assuaged the nuclear fear of visitors by promising to teach everyone "how Civil Defense protects you and your family from modern terror weapons." Visitors to the exhibition were shown FCDA-produced and Ad Council-packaged movies, three-dimensional exhibits, and dioramas of the American family surviving and winning World War III. The gist of the message to the attending public was the importance of individualism, patriotism, voluntarism, and the "happy life" in the bomb shelter where families played popular board games and rehearsed FCDA "Home Protection Exercises" while urban America was reduced to radiating ruins. Most important to FCDA training, Alert America promoted the concept of the "responsible Cold War citizen": Each individual shoulders collective responsibility for civil defense and does so as a nuclear-age citizen-soldier. The public's internalization of this message was fundamental in the garrisoning process and in shaping ... politically correct behavior in a democratic state that was engaged in continuous levels of mobilization for the possibility of war.
If "preparedness" meant building and stocking individual family bomb shelters, then families living in suburbs had the required space; policy makers essentially wrote off large cities and their residents. And when Florida politician Milliard Caldwell was named the first head of the FCDA, his "states' rights" stance allowed communities in Jim Crow states to manage their own local shelter planning, without central oversight. NAACP-organized protest against Caldwell's appointment was unsuccessful.

At this point in 2010, as the right-wing rachets up the hate with its "Ground Zero Triumphalist Terror Training Mosque" shriek-out, Grossman's citations from a 1950 Gallup Poll resonate:

What do you think should be done about members of the Communist party in the United States in the event we get into a war with Russia?

Action/Percentage in support of action

Put them in internment camps/22
Imprison them/18
Send them out of the United States, exile them/15
Send them to Russia/13
Shoot them, hang them/13
Watch them, make them register/4
Nothing, everyone is entitled to freedom of thought/1
Miscellaneous/9
No opinion/10

Gore Vidal in Screening History (1992), on two wartime periods and their aftermaths—
In 1917 Wilson had predicted that those oligarchs of capital whom he had tried to name in his first administration would now, under the excuse of wartime emergency, re-establish a more perfect boardroom state, which they did, and it lasted until the Depression.

After 1941 the same thing happened again. The famous dollar-a-year businessmen came to town to put the war on a businesss-like footing. Dr. New Deal, as FDR airily explained, had given way to Dr. Win-the-War. So we won the war and lost the deal. The businessmen found that they had so enjoyed running the United States that they set up that National Security State in which we still live...
Grossman treats the intentions of Cold War planning seriously—the planners were faced with the prospect of a World War III fought with nuclear weapons—and he rejects the "Atomic Café" approach of poking fun at the period's civil defense campaigns. Yet Grossman acknowledges that planners at the highest levels
... distrusted the very social order they were defending... These "wise men" of American foreign policy believed that postwar consumerism, combined with the kind of democracy that was practiced in the United States, would not generate the kind of citizen necessary to combat what was known as "Red Fascism."
Grossman ends by looking at the "superterrorism" scenarios under discussion in government quarters from the 1990s. Just as in the early Cold War period
... current antiterrorist lawmaking, civil defense preparedness, and disaster planning have two ominous interrelated features that bode ill for the protection of individual civil liberties and pave the way for a regarrisoning of civil society: enormous discretionary power and cumbersome judicial overlap among agencies... [the policy history shows that] crisis lawmaking ... will result in highly discretionary and ambiguously written legislation.
Grossman reproduces this chart, presumably from the late 1990s—

Grossman notes the threats to civil liberties inherent in this "hydra-headed bureaucratic planning structure." The chart's many tentacles do not, of course, include the "Homeland Security" tentacles added since late 2001.

The bureaucratic machinery begun post-WWII still expands endlessly. And in a sense, it is a joke played endlessly on the American public.

Grossman's book was published in July 2001. His closing thought could serve as an unforeseen punch line to the joke: that we should heed the lessons of Cold War mobilization, "for the stakes are always high in a liberal democracy that cherishes individual civil liberties."

"L-word democracy*"...?
* efforts to make this one a dirty word—"We have a Republic [add "an" after the "c"], not a democracy [= democRat party] haven't completely gotten through yet...
And there's that punch line: "civil"-what? Among just two recent stories:

For travelers who decline having their naked body images displayed by airport scanners profiting Michael Chertoff, TSA will conduct "searches" by retaliatory groping.

And this, in the ever-growing category of, "Fourth Amendment? We don't need no steenking Fourth Amendment."

Again, in Vidal's words (Screening History): our "military-industrial-political combine that has locked us all up inside a National Security State and thrown away the key."


Penna Art WPA, [between 1941 and 1943]
Artist: Charlotte Angus
Library of Congress

Propaganda Remix Project

8.31.2010

FSA Photography: A Perspective


Dorothea Lange, Resettlement Administration [later FSA] photographer, in California. 1936
FSA/OWI Archive
During the 1960s many surviving FSA photographers, along with administrator Roy Stryker, were interviewed for the Smithsonian's American Archives of Art.

The series includes a 1965 interview with Romana Javitz. Unfortunately, the AAA site does not have a transcript, though there is a pdf (academic institution access needed) here.

Javitz was the distinguished head of the New York Public Library Picture Collection, from 1929 to 1968, and the force behind its real development. A good article about the collection and her career is here.

Trained as a painter, she had many friendships with artists who used the Picture Collection. Through her contacts in the Thirties, Javitz became involved in New Deal visual arts projects, and was one of the prime movers in creating the American Index of Design.

Through Walker Evans she met Roy Stryker. Javitz urged him to focus on building an archive, and in particular, to have data recorded for each picture as it was taken. Stryker also accepted suggestions for subject matter; after Javitz "would gripe about certain things I never could find pictures of, such as ice cream cones and other Americana, privies and so on ... very shortly ... someone would take a picture."

In 1936 Javitz began receiving anonymous mailings of FSA photos. When official arrangements became final for the FSA archive to reside at the Library of Congress, Stryker revealed that he had forwarded duplicates for safekeeping in New York, in case Congress had decided to impound the originals. About 40,000 of the 270,000 FSA images were given to the NYPL; over the years, around 200,000 of the images have been collected there.

Javitz in 1965 had some very interesting thoughts about the FSA, visual documentation of American life, archive and museum philosophies, and more.

Even if a few FSA images may be so familiar as to be chestnuts, Javitz insisted "that one 'Madonna of the Migrants' was used over and over does not blind the eye to the others."

Destitute pea pickers in California. Mother of seven children. Age thirty-two. Nipomo, California. 1936
Library of Congress - FSA/OWI Archive
Javitz saw repeated use of single images as a decision by publishers—and museums—to give the public a simplified message, when in fact
... most of these still photographs were not taken as one picture ... they were taken for a picture essay or picture story. These photographers were skilled, and I should say it was sensitive enough a story so that they made no attempt to tell the whole story in one picture. And I think that one thing that comes over from FSA pictures is that there are no isolated images. The image is a part of a long continuing tale. You meet the coal miner squatting waiting for the bus, you see him walking toward his house, you see his children, you see him on the porch, you see him going to work, and you just feel this thing is a non-isolated image, and nothing will hurt that feeling or take away from it except museum shows. I have a prejudice, as you notice. I am trained as an artist, my education is that of a painter. Of course, I couldn't have lived without a museum [but] I think museums are extremely snobby in their attitude towards the intelligence of the public ...
On the importance of FSA work in documenting American life, Javitz observed that ...
when the FSA... photographs came to us, they just gave us a complete new eye. ... it was the first time that we had images that were clean-cut. They weren't made to sell records or soap or whatnot. Before that, our pictures were very tainted by commerce from the point of view of selling. They were pretty-pretty, they were Saturday Evening Post ... Remember that even the Civil War photographs that were available were slight. ... the Rotogravure sections of the newspapers ...[were] photo-journalism before Life and Look. We had any amount of material on society because of the Rotogravures and Harper's Bazaar, Vogue, Vanity Fair, all those magazines and the inflation of the twenties. We can give you what the society woman would wear on the Riviera and what her dog looked like in Southampton. But we couldn't find a sunbonnet ...
The Civil Rights Act had been passed in 1964, just months before this interview, and Javitz notes how the FSA recorded conditions that could only lead to a movement for equality. The photographic record also showed, she observed, how the face of extreme poverty had changed little since the Thirties.

While "the body of FSA photographs is one of the most precious treasures in the Library of Congress," Javitz felt it was not sufficiently appreciated because the photos didn't have the monetary value of rarer, older American art, like Currier & Ives. She was disappointed too that the collection was not sufficiently accessible to the public, and suggested that good quality, low-cost quality reproductions should be available to schools and libraries. That is an area where one type of progress makes matters very different today; we may not physically handle prints as Ms. Javitz wished, but we can access images almost instantly, through LC's online archives.

Javitz in 1965 also lamented the contemporary lack of government support for arts, not merely to encourage talent, but because through the WPA programs
... America showed ... the world that we are not afraid to look at ourselves and we are not afraid of recording what we look like, and also we should show the world that we have a sense of history ... Nothing is as important today as a knowledge of the past, and we have certain records of the past, that are constantly available, but they're distorted because so little of it is true and so little is contemporaneous.
There's a profound cultural loss in how far the country has been pushed from this ideal.

We may have dazzling technology that Ms. Javitz, who died in 1980, would never have imagined. But, as far as representation of real life: our celebrity-centered media doesn't seem so very different from those rotogravures full of society ladies and their dogs.

8.29.2010

August Read: Two Photographers

Iowa : WPA Federal Art Project
John Vachon's America: Photographs and Letters from the Depression to World War II; edited, and introductory texts, by Miles Orvell, 2003

Walker Evans: A Biography; by Belinda Rathbone, 1995

Along with the Library of Congress, WPA poster collection, LC's other great WPA image resource is the Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information [FSA/OWI] photography archive.

(All photos and captions below are found there.)

Browsing recently, I saw a lot of striking images by John Vachon. A younger colleague of Evans and other, better-known FSA photographers, Vachon died in 1975 (as did Evans). His work has slowly gained more recognition, and this recent book of photographs, biographical and critical notes, plus some of Vachon's own writing, is a valuable appraisal of his career during the FSA/OWI years.

After being expelled from graduate school, Vachon was hired by Roy Stryker, head of the historical section of the Resettlement Administration [the RA, which later became the FSA]. The year was 1936; national picture magazines like Life and Look were reaching a mass readership, and photography was becoming central to the era's culture. Stryker devised a plan for RA staff to rally support for agency projects—and to illustrate the need for the New Deal itself—by photographing and distributing images of conditions around the country.

Vachon first worked at captioning photos. He had wanted to become a writer, and had not felt any particular interest in photography. Yet he had also been drawn to drawing and painting, and his writing showed strong visual observation.

As he came to know the agency's file, he offered to fill gaps by taking pictures around DC in his spare time. Stryker agreed; Vachon borrowed a camera and started out with guidance from Arthur Rothstein. Walker Evans also took an interest, insisting that Vachon learn to use a view camera.

Vachon would work six years, traveling much of the country, and becoming perhaps the most prolific of the agency's photographers. [Not all are digitized, but the LC site shows 5000 holdings of Vachon images]. Among reasons for the historical importance of this work, Miles Orvell finds that
Because Vachon worked for the FSA-OWI as long as did, his work forms a narrative from the despair and desolation of the Depression to the energy and mobilization of World War II.
In the summer of 1935, Walker Evans began the first assignment of his WPA employment: traveling through West Virginia to document homestead and cooperative projects initiated by the RA. In Belinda Rathbone's account, Evans found himself in a setting ideal for the approach he had been developing—
In the mining towns, deserted and depressed... the small company towns sprawling over the landscape, once thriving, now bankrupt, he saw through the American dream of an egalitarian society to its core of melancholy.
Scott's Run mining camps near Morgantown, West Virginia. 1935


It's a key quality of Evans' work, particularly during the Depression.

Son of an adman,
Evans also had an intuitive grasp of the ad world, a sense of the immediate present, and a talent for puns and double-entendres much like his father's gift for the catchy phrase. But unlike his father, he... [had] a sense of the emptiness and pathos that such things so quickly acquire with age.
Vachon's work also captures that "core of melancholy"—
Shack on the edge of the city dump, Dubuque, Iowa. 1940.


Advertising, Woodbine, Iowa. 1940


Cincinnati, Ohio. 1938


National Association of Manufacturers sign, Dubuque, Iowa. 1940


Roy Stryker was careful to soften socially critical work that might inspire political interference with his agency. Though Stryker insisted years later that there had been no pictures taken of strikes, the LC archive has Vachon photos of determined workers on picket lines.

From Dubuque, Vachon wrote to Stryker of his shock at seeing the city dump, where men foraged for food and lived in nearby shacks. There, in Orvell's words, Vachon recorded "with unflinching curiousity and empathy, the shocking reality of Depression life at the margins." He would later photograph subjects like the faces of homeless men in city missions, and African-American families maintaining dignity in the most impoverished of settings.

Unfortunately, many LC scans have poor detail, but plates in Orvell's book are beautifully printed (in Canada). Even in a setting staged to promote the agency's activities—Farmer applying to county supervisor for Farm Security Administration loan. Oskaloosa, Kansas—Vachon records a despairing man, who seems to shrink under the official's complacent gaze; his wife sits in the background, her body twisted in anxiety.

Vachon developed something of a father-son relationship with Stryker, while struggling to become independent. Under the strong artistic influence of Evans and the other FSA masters who had become his teachers, Vachon also struggled to develop his own approach.

Stryker tends to comes across as an impresario of what was often a kitsch Americana, giving staff "shooting scripts" of desired images. Belinda Rathbone quotes from one Stryker directive—to bring back shots of—
Bill posters; sign painters — crowd watching a window sign being painted, ... parade watching, ticker tape; roller skating; spooners — neckers; mowing the front lawn... the kind of things that a scholar a hundred years from now is going to wonder about.
While employed by Stryker, Evans characteristically worked at his own pace. He stalled on deadlines and fended off Stryker's nagging about trip expenses, until finally turning in work to fit his assignments. During his tenure Evans managed to collect enough pay to keep going—no small accomplishment for the times—while pursuing his own vision. This included Evans' and James Agee's 1936 trip to rural Alabama, where they undertook the work that would become Let Us Now Praise Famous Men.

Rathbone's excellent biography traces Evans' artistic development, examining both his family background and early creative influences. He had wanted to become a writer, but given a camera at about age fifteen, he also became fascinated by photography. He approached picture-taking as a "detective looking for clues." This seems to have been a reaction to his home life; his father had around this time left the family—moving across the street, to live with his divorced lover and her children—a situation never openly discussed.

When he began reading modernist writers, the teen-aged Evans gained a sense that there were ways of life other than his parents' upper middle-class façade. After moving to New York in his early twenties, he formed friendships with other aspiring artists, who joined Evans in photographing the city as a way of seeing it.

Late in the 1920s, he met Berenice Abbott, and through her discovered the work of Eugène Atget. Evans responded strongly, writing in a 1931 review—
His general note is lyrical understanding of the street... trained observation of it, special feeling for patina, eye for revealing detail, over all of which is thrown a poetry which is not "the poetry of the street" or "the poetry of Paris," but the projection of Atget's person.
For Evans, Atget evoked the "difference between a quaint evocation of the past and an open window looking straight down a stack of decades." This insight, writes Rathbone, was Evans' approach to analyzing "the elusive element of time in photography, which Atget had so mysteriously mastered."

In his work of the early Thirties, Rathbone finds that,
In drawing a distinction between the sentimental photography of the preceding generation and the pure documentary style that would soon overtake it, Evans made notable use of the metaphor of an open window and evoked a penetrating vista down through a "stack of decades." The receding vista, common to many of Atget's photographs, was becoming a particular interest of his. ...That his photographs saw through windows and porches and around corners gave them a new dimension and power and even an aura of revelation. They seemed to bring him closer to seeing into the past. In an old house in Copake, New York, he made a picture through one small room into another, which suggested a secret conversation between the dresser, the chair, and the Victorian portrait on the wall.

Like Atget's views of old Paris, Evans' photographs quietly animated the inanimate.
Church interior. Alabama or Tennessee. 1936

Evans worked for the FSA about two years; Vachon continued there as the war began and government photographers' work became focused on the war effort. In 1946 Vachon worked for the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency, photographing postwar conditions in Poland. Some of this work, edited by his daughter, Ann, was published in 1995 as Poland: 1946; The Photographs and Letters of John Vachon.

From 1947 to 1971 he was a staff photographer at Look, dubbed by his editors, their "photographer poet."

In 1954 he wrote the last entry in the journals he had kept since 1933, when he was nineteen and eager to write, or to create some kind of important art. Now he wrote of the conflict he felt, appreciating his luck at professional and travel opportunities, while observing of his Madison Avenue surroundings—
...I contribute, through my work with the magazine, to the thinking and forming of values which spread out from these stone buildings to the pliant acceptors of this false, refined civilization... though I say, truthfully, that I reject this civilization, and had rather been no part of it... I nevertheless rejoice in it, and pander to it, as I fly out in early morning airplanes to photograph a famous ballplayer in Evansville, Indiana, or to see a senator in Washington or Maine.
Orvell notes Vachon's attraction to the chance encounters of urban settings. In the evolution of the work, Orvell sees a link from the documentary approach of the Thirties, to the Fifties "snapshot aesthetic" of photographers like Robert Frank and Lee Frielander.

Magazines also provided Evans' income through the early 1970s. The conflict between that setting and his longing for independence, along with personal circumstances like two troubled marriages, fueled periods of problem drinking.

But Fortune seems to have given him freedom to make his own schedule and to do photo/text essays on subjects that interested him. Rathbone cites—
"'Downtown': A Last Look Backward," published in the August 1956 issue... Evans warned his readers that the district [lower Manhattan] would never be the same once a score of new construction projects then underway was completed. "The building boom now commencing," he predicted, "will change the face, and a good deal of the atmosphere, of the entire district."

...in March 1957, Evans produced "Before They Disappear," a photographic homage to the freight-car emblems he had loved since childhood. The portfolio, in color, showed the respectful attention to detail of a boy stamp collector; Evans knew when each emblem had first appeared and how it had been modified over the years..."
Rathbone concludes that—
While he mourned the loss of... treasures of his childhood, he argued vehemently against the idea that his photography might be driven by nostalgia... It was a sense of history in the rough he cherished, a sense that he had been better able to master in the days of the Depression, when America's material progress had stalled and the world stood still for his camera, poised for change. In the 1950s, an era that was loath to look backward, the meaning of Evans' enterprise hovered between one misinterpretation and another. He was not an aging social protest artist, nor was he a dewy-eyed sentimentalist. But there seemed to be fewer people around who knew what he was.
It was in the time when "the world stood still for his camera" that Evans' work was at its most affecting, and that the era found perhaps its greatest artist.

Fireplace in bedroom of Floyd Burroughs' cabin. Hale County, Alabama. 1936

8.28.2010

History Lesson

Photographer: Howard Liberman, 1942
Library of Congress




Archive caption - each photo:
Manpower, junior size. "Who wants to be a junior commando?" teacher asks. Willing hands shoot up and eager voices cry "Yes!" Everyone in this Roanoke, Virginia class wants to be one of the thirty-million children banding together throughout the United States to form America's junior army, young fighters to collect scrap for ammunition.
Separate pictures; equal captions...

America desperately needs history lessons, yet gets a criminally Faux version.

With one graphic, Driftglass disposes of the con man given a giant public platform—and today's inappropriate-beyond-words setting.

As to the real August 28, 1963: links to audio and transcript of that day's MLK speech here.

And, published this summer, Charles Euchner's Nobody Turn Me Around: A People's History of the 1963 March on Washington looks extremely worthwhile.

I caught part of a radio interview with Euchner yesterday. Certain he would at some point be assassinated, MLK felt the burden of approaching each speech as if it would be his last and thus demanded the utmost eloquence he could muster.

Euchner also reflected that by the early Sixties television was countering the physical isolation of the disenfranchised and changing their outlook. Seeing daily images of how another America lived, it increasingly seemed natural that they too should have a chance at that better life.

Then: a positive, if unintended role played by TV, in raising expectations of equal rights and opportunity for all Americans.

Now: a media empire fuels the politically useful hatreds of its frightened, gullible audience. The same forces that fought justice then will do anything now to rewrite the history—through the media they control outright, and by pushing their spin into the rest.

Then: marchers came by foot, by bike, by whatever means they could—to march on a sweltering August day, in hope of making America a better place.

Now: it's easy for the suckers to get on board: the buses to DC are comfortable, air-conditioned, and paid by a billionaire's front group...